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What is the filibuster and how has it saved us from the brink?

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That is next.

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Hey, welcome back to the Barry Ferrer Show. Glad to have you with us.

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I hope you're doing really well.

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You know, the Democrats are mad.

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They can't get some of their radical legislation passed, so they want to change the rules.

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Rule 22 has come to be known as the filibuster.

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It's one of the primary tools in the Senate.

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It's used to allow for the minority to delay things.

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That's very frustrating for the majority, but it's been used by both parties.

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When the Constitution enumerated all the powers of the Congress in Article I,

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it was pretty clear, and is, that the House of Representatives was designed to be closest to the people.

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They have a smaller territory than a senator, and they have to run for re-election every two years.

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And that's good and bad.

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The good part is that they are able to be very responsive to the people in their district.

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The bad part is that they can be led by the passion of the moment.

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And sometimes, upon further reflection, that passion might not be in the best interest,

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even of their own district, upon further reflection.

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So, as part of our constitutional republic's design, the House can pass something by a simple majority.

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They can respond in the moment.

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The Senate was designed to be more deliberative, to debate more.

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They have staggered six-year terms, and they represent the whole state.

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They have to be five years older than a House rep to even qualify.

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The Senate can take what the House sent over in a flash, and then subject it to a different kind of evaluation.

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They can give it a more considered analysis.

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So, what is the origin of this thing called the filibuster?

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Well, back in 60 B.C., there was a Roman senator named Cato.

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And he spoke until nightfall to obstruct a measure that he thought was bad.

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The Roman Senate had a rule that all business had to be concluded by dusk, kind of part of their transparency rule.

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So, when he made these long-winded speeches, he successfully delayed the vote, pushed it into the next day.

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And he did this twice.

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Julius Caesar was not happy about it, didn't like it.

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But it did create a temporary delay in the legislative process.

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Now, over the years, countries have adopted some form of that capability to delay things.

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And if you have a republic or a democracy, they allowed for some rendition of a legislative delay tactic in most cases.

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The United Kingdom, for example, calls their filibuster a talked-out.

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I mean, I know they invented the language and all, but that doesn't seem all that inspired.

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Anyway, labor has stalled conservatives.

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Conservatives have blocked labor.

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And they've done so with their talk-out.

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Now, you go to Australia, and it's effectively forbidden.

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You only get a certain amount of time to make your case.

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But you come all the way to Canada, and the filibuster concept has been used many times, a number of times.

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In the United States, the actual word is not part of the Constitution.

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However, in Article I, Section 5, both the House of Representatives and the Senate may determine the rules of its own proceedings.

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And that's where the debate and delay proceeding, among other things, are derived.

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The rules are critical. I mean, how do you appoint a chair?

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How do you recognize a person?

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So, in the first session of the Senate in 1789, they approved 20 Senate rules, a bunch of them.

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Some of these are really good.

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In this original packet, one rule said you got to pay attention to the guy on the floor.

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No member shall speak to another or otherwise interrupt the business of the Senate or read any printed paper,

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kind of like the equivalent of looking at your iPhone today,

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while the journals or public papers are reading or when any member is speaking in any debate.

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Rule 19 is kind of another courtesy one.

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It says that no senator in debate shall directly or indirectly, by any form of words,

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impute to another senator or to other senators any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming a senator.

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Wow. You couldn't blast, and you can't, you're not supposed to, blast another guy just because you disagree with him.

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You can't resort to accusing him of bad motives.

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You can't call him a racist or something naughty.

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You have to win on the merits of the debate.

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Now, since then, those original...

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20, there have only been seven general revisions of the Senate rules and the first major revision

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came in 1806 when Rule 22 came into effect.

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Eventually you get to the concept of debate and delay and this is what the Senate has

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to ask.

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Is it the sense of the Senate that the debate shall be brought to a close?

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So you got a guy kind of filibustering and what happens?

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So as amended in 1975, if three-fifths of the Senators agree, then they can shut down

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the debate and then go ahead and vote.

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But if the measure is to amend the Senate rules, they've got to have even more, two-thirds

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of the Senators present and voting.

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This Rule 22 has been nicknamed the filibuster.

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It gives the minority a lot of power, it forces the majority to negotiate with them.

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The founders believed this rule would help maintain the concept of a constitutional republic

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versus a pure democracy.

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In fact, today's defenders of the filibuster call it the soul of the Senate.

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Any one Senator can delay things by taking the Senate floor and talking as long as he

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wants.

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In fact, she can talk on any topic she wants.

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You can get up there and read license plates from the Department of Motor Vehicles.

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One Senator can slow everything down up to a point.

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This whole delay tactic can get shut down if you've got 60 Senators that agree to shut

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it down and that's called cloture.

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That keeps that lone wolf, goofy guy from dominating everything.

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His case has to be strong enough to bring 40 other Senators along with him.

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The filibuster was established in 1806 but not first used until about 20 years later

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and not used often until the 1970s.

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But when it has been used, it's so potent that the mere threat of a filibuster forces

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the majority leader to move on to something else or negotiate.

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Otherwise it just takes up Senate floor time.

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The filibuster's not a mistake.

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It's a deliberate Senate rule.

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It's an early one too.

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It wasn't supposed to be used willy-nilly.

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John Adams early on when the Constitution was developed said,

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Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people.

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It's wholly inadequate to the government of any other.

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You had to have some built-in constraints.

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The rule, this rule, does require some decorum.

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The notion of Rule 22 was to allow the minority a vote and a voice and to require the majority

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to compromise with them.

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Initially this could impact everything, appointments, legislation, etc.

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It wasn't supposed to be used for every little thing though.

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But it does provide an intentional built-in structure to force the Senate toward a type

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of legislative behavior, an attitude toward one another.

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And in order to change a Senate rule, you've got to have 67 Senators agree.

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So in theory, you're never going to realistically be able to change that filibuster rule.

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I mean, you only need 34 of the 100 Senators to say no-go.

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We're in the minority and we don't want to change the rule.

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And with the staggered schedule of the Senate and the six-year term component, there's really

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rarely a time when one party doesn't have at least 34% of the Senate.

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So Rule 22, which explicitly says you can't change that rule without a supermajority,

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should never have been able to be changed.

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Unless you look at Rule 20 through a very naughty lens.

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And that's what happened in 2013.

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So from 1806 to 2013, the Senate changed very little substance.

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They clarified cloture.

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They added some exceptions.

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But in the context of the full Senate agreeing to those clarifications, everybody agreed.

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Not in the Senate of 2013.

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Democrats were in charge of the Senate at the time, and Obama was president.

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The majority was quite frustrated by the ability of the Senate to slow them down, particularly

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with some of their more radical, lefty appointments.

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The Democrats liked Rule 22 when they were in the minority.

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But they didn't like Rule 22 when they were in the majority.

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So the lawyers who had become Senators found a loophole, and in 2013, the Democrat-controlled

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Senate used a technical procedure to vote 52-48 to lower the threshold.

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Three Democrats, Senators, and all the Republicans opposed the measure.

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A rule change is supposed to require pretty broad agreement.

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The idea is that at least 67% of the Senate is supposed to agree on changing the procedures

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of how the Senate's going to work.

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But they pulled it off with only 52.

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Now how'd they do this?

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They used a clever parliamentary procedure.

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Rule 20 is titled, Questions of Order.

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It was originally put in place to allow the guy who knew all the rules to rule on the

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rules.

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To bring clarity.

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He's the President Pro Tempore.

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He's a Senator.

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He functions in limited ways as the President of the Senate, kind of temporarily, when the

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Vice President, who's the actual President of the Senate, is not there, which is most

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of the time.

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But when he rules on a rule, he can be overruled by a vote of the whole Senate.

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So, Rule 20, which was established

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out the gate in 1789, the

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last one of that first batch, was supposed to give the Senate some

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accountability on an administrative clarification

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of a procedure. Now here's the real clincher. When the majority leader raises a point of

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order

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and is told by the President pro tempore that his point of order is a violation of

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a rule,

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that majority leader can force the question to the whole Senate.

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Now this was designed to keep the presiding officer in check.

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And when the majority leader challenges the pro tempore, Rule 20 says that when

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that happens there can be no debate.

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The whole Senate votes on the point of order right then. Rule 20 was in place

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17 years before Rule 22.

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It was simply intended to clarify things,

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give a mechanism for that, provide the whole Senate with a mechanism to vote on

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a clarification or interpretation of a rule.

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Rule 20 was not intended to be used to

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overrule a rule, especially a rule that came 17 years later.

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And particularly since that rule explicitly states that you can't

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change it unless you have two-thirds of the Senate

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in agreement. Yet the sneaky,

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slimy, manipulation of the procedure

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worked. The head of the Senate at the time was

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Democrat Harry Reid. And here's how it actually came down. Reid says,

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I raise a point of order that the vote on cloture under Rule 22 for all

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nominations other than for the Supreme Court of

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the United States is by majority vote.

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So here he's basically proposing to change Rule 22 by point of order

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versus this 67 percent of the Senate. The president pro tempore of the Senate

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said, under the rules the point of order is not

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sustained. So even this guy is a friend of the scheme to help his fellow

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Democrat. The presiding officer is saying what everybody already knows.

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Rule 22 says you can't change it to a majority from a supermajority,

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but he also knows what's coming next. Then Reid said,

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I appeal the ruling of the chair and ask for the yays and nays.

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So according to Rule 20, there has to be an immediate vote on whether or not the

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procedure was legit. So all the Republicans and three

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Democrats said no, but that only came to 48. So 52 Democrats

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voted to overrule the chair. So now the president pro tempore has to

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announce the result of this never before used not so honest procedure.

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The decision of the chair is not sustained.

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So he's basically saying I've just been overruled by all y'all.

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Wink wink. So the president pro tempore has to close this whole thing out and

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clarify what just happened. So he says, under the precedent set by the Senate

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today, November 21, 2013, the threshold for

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cloture on nominations, not including those to the Supreme Court of the United

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States, is now a majority. So bam,

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just like that, they contorted Rule 20 to overrule the specific intent of Rule

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22. And they did it without changing any one

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of the words of Rule 22. Conniving sons of a guns, aren't they?

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Aye, aye, aye. Anyway, executive and judicial nominees would now sail through with

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just a thin majority. So they got Obama's federal judges

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and all the executive appointments he wanted

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approved. Notice this maneuver did not include the Supreme Court.

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At that time, just a few years ago, that would have peeled off

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more of the moderate Democrats and they wouldn't have gotten it through.

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They all knew it was shameful, but they reasoned that it was so complicated the

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average voter wouldn't take the time to understand it.

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But it was brazen enough to include all the appointments. I mean, for goodness

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sakes, George Washington's 1795 nomination for

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chief justice was rejected by the Senate. Yeah.

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And Washington was elected unanimously. But his guy got stopped by the Senate,

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and that was before the filibuster was a specific rule.

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George had to move on. I mean, that's the way our system is supposed to work.

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Supposed to respect it. So what do you think happened just a few years later?

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Well, the Senate became controlled by Republicans.

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They were frustrated that the minority Democrats filibustered a qualified

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Supreme Court nominee by the name of Neil Gorsuch. So,

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in 2017, the majority Republican Senate, partly with a

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you started it rationale, used the same Rule 20 technique to reduce the

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threshold to a simple majority for a Supreme Court justice. So, to those

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liberals who want to get rid of the remainder of the potence of the

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filibuster, recall that things always come around to the other side.

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Because of the initial use of what

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became known as this nuclear option, the next Republican president got more federal judges

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approved than any other one-time president in history.

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And he appointed three conservative Supreme Court justices, all who sailed through on

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thin majorities.

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Democrats can thank themselves.

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Now I'm glad for the total result on the courts, but I'm not for how we got there.

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The Democrats should never have weaponized the filibuster to block solid and qualified

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appointments, which they started doing way back with Bork in 1987, but that's a whole

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nother story.

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So what's left with the filibuster?

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Major legislation.

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A filibuster can still block that, and that is what has happened these past two years

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since the Biden era.

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The Democrats passed a massive $1.9 trillion bill, which bailed out blue states for bad

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management, increased the national debt, gave handouts to special interest and exacerbated

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inflation.

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They did that through reconciliation.

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But they wanted more, and that could only be handled through legislation.

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They wanted to radically change how our elections are conducted, to nationalize them, neuter

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our constitutional republic, and make it easier for ineligible voters to cheat.

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They wanted to discriminate against people of faith and allow for legislation to disrupt

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the nuclear family, implementing a system-wide social justice shock.

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They wanted unfettered ability to print money.

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They wanted a plan that would increase taxes on the most productive small and mid-sized

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businesses.

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They wanted to expand centralized control at every level, socially and medically, and

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use Marxist techniques to impose price controls, and manipulate industry toward aggressive

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and unproven climate control goals, and expand their racism and gender confusion to every

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facet of American life.

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And all this, if their legislation went through, would have been enforced by the feds.

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But that's not all.

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They wanted to abolish the effect of the Tenth Amendment.

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They wanted to fundamentally reorder the American system.

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Through this scheme, they wanted to use the states as captive pawns to implement their

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crazy progressive ideas.

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They called it Build Back Better.

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It probably would have cost $5 trillion.

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At the end of the day, it was an extreme way to change the United States from a constitutional

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republic to a socialistic nightmare.

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Well, these enormous legislative initiatives were stopped, thanks to the filibuster.

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So the Democrats got super mad, and they tried to end the filibuster on a party-line vote,

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January 19, 2022.

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But thankfully, Senator Manchin, a Democrat from West Virginia, and Senator Sinema, a

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Democrat from Arizona, sided with the Republicans, and on a 52-48 vote, the filibuster is still

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intact.

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Thank you, Senators.

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We sure appreciate that.

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The role of the filibuster the past two years has been to stop major legislation that honestly

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would have killed the republic, would have wiped out the electoral college, all kinds

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of things that are in the Constitution.

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To my progressive friends, you don't want to get rid of the filibuster.

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It's not supposed to be easy for government to do major things.

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When Republicans are back in power in a few months and likely take the presidency in 2024,

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do you want them to have full, unfettered power?

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At the end of the day, there are good reasons to keep the rule intact.

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The Senate should not change the meaning of the rule, nor should it remove it.

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I've got like seven reasons.

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I'll roll through them real quick.

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If the Senate removes the filibuster, it will eliminate the framers' design that the Senate

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be a consensus-driven body.

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The intent was for it to move deliberately.

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The filibuster allows for the minority party to force delay through debate unless there

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are 60 votes to end the debate.

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This is an intentional tool of negotiation to provide leverage for the minority party.

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Number two, if the Senate kills the filibuster, it will turn the Senate into another version

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of the House where raw majority rules, where compromises are not required, and where the

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passion of the moment and the current majority can overcome reason and sound judgment.

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Number three, if the Senate eliminates the filibuster, it will further corrode confidence

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in the American way of governance.

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Just a few decades ago, the Senate approved cabinet officials, federal judges, and Supreme

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Court justices with a wide margin.

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Now they do so with an angry party-line vote.

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If the Senate ends the filibuster for what's left, the major legislation that it can prevent,

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it would create that same type of acrimony for legislation, not just appointments, and

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that will further erode public trust.

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If the Senate redefines the filibuster, number four, it will remove the constraint on majority

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power.

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Democrats delayed and stopped numerous Republican initiatives when Republicans were president.

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Republicans have done the same when Democrats were president.

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in power. If we eliminate the filibuster, it eliminates the tool of the minority to

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be a check on raw legislative power. What happens when you prevent that is you keep

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the United States from becoming too radical. If we eliminate the filibuster, the radicals

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from both parties will have their way. Number five, if the Senate breaks this Senate rule,

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it will hurt the institution itself. Major legislation that does not have broad bipartisan

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support is not good. The filibuster helps keep the USA a government of the people and

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by the people. And it honors the separation between the House and the Senate that was

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designed in the Constitution in article one. If the Senate changes rule 22 in the current

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environment, it's an affront to roughly 50% of the people in the United States. If the

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intent of the filibuster was to effectively give 41 senators power, then most assuredly

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50% of the Senate should have their voices heard. And finally, number seven, if the Senate

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breaks the filibuster rule, it will set up a mechanism of revenge legislation. Whichever

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parties in power, they will no longer need to consider the minority party or any of their

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ideas. The reality is that government can easily become corrupt and oppressive. That

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exists all over the world today and all throughout history. There are tons of examples of governments

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that have had way too much control and the consequences are horrible. And at this time

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right now, 50% of the Senate was elected by people who did not want to have the Democrats

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in the majority. It only takes one more Republican senator for the majority to swing back to

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the Republicans. It's kind of funny how just a few years ago, the Democrats went on and

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on and on and on and on about the importance of the filibuster. Back then, they were in

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the minority. Yet the filibuster doesn't apply to everything. Congress's annual budget

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reconciliation process requires only a simple majority. And it can't be filibustered. Nor

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can the trade agreements or military base closures or arms sales. You know there's 161

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exceptions to the filibuster. So you can just pass those without supermajority rule. But

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major legislation is still subject to rule 22, the filibuster. Let's keep it that way

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Hi, I'm David Farah. Thank you for listening to my dad's podcast, The Barry Farah Show.

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Culture Shift. Click subscribe now to be sure you don't miss an episode. Share this podcast

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